The parliament's turning down the government motion on Turkeys military cooperation in the US war on Iraq has lead to innumerable positive outcomes. Turkey has refreshed self-confidence, for the first time in recent history Turkish people have appreciated their Parliament, the Parliament has bowed to the power of public opinion, Bush has understood that Turkey was not a Banana Republic and our "native Americans" in Turkey got their full share.
What is more important, if Turkey adopts austerity measures we can finally arrive at a new mentality to free itself from enslavement dependence on external aid and rise on our feet. Remember, the American embargo in 1974 had ended up with setting a domestic aircraft industry.
But perhaps Turkeys most significant achievement was this: Since both provisions of the motion were refused in one vote two detrimental issues have now become extremely difficult: 1) Turkish involvement in Bush's attack on Iraq; 2) Entry of Turkish into Northern Iraq to prevent establishment of a Kurdish state.
Let us ask those who believe that the latter is not detrimental but actually a must: What could the Turkish army do to prevent the establishment of a federal Kurdish state for which the word of US is sufficient? By attacking and destroying it just as it is being established? Moreover, how will the Turkish army get out of such a mess?
The enthusiasm in the premiere of the play Fatherland or Silistria had ended up with Namik Kemals exile. It is no longer a threat these days, do not fear, you can exercise: What would happen if a Kurdish state is established? Two things could happen: 1) They could attack Turkey and annex Southeast Anatolia; 2) People of Kurdish origins in Turkey could emigrate there.
Since a 3 million strong feudal Kurdistan would remain quite incapable in face of a 70 million strong capitalist Turkey, we may drop the first prospect if you would not mind. Yet the second prospect still scares many. A "United Kurdistan" map that is widely circulated on the web which is said to be hanging also on the walls of KDP's central office, is referred to as a proof of how serious the threat is.
Actually, historian Prof. Mete Tuncay had already published a greater Turkey map dating back to 1920s National Oath perspective which extends Turkeys territory as far as to reach the Cairo parallel; this United Kurdistan map too coulobe taken just as realistic as the latter, yet let us consider a serious element for the sake of analysis.
It is of course a possibility that our (Turkeys) Kurds may incline towards the federal state of the Iraqi Kurds. However, 1) they will do so only to the extent that Turkish Cypriots are inclined towards Turkey. 2) Kurds in Turkey, even in the worst times, have chosen to immigrate to Istanbul rather than to Northern Iraq. If they would leave an independent, EU-candidate Turkey now and flee to a landlocked Kurdish federal state, which certainly is to become a US puppet, where half of the population speak a dialect (Sorani) they do not understand and where tribal conflicts will break out immediately, then it means that they have gone our of their brains; to assume that people are irrational is a mistake, it will lead to mistaken analysis
On the other hand, our Kurds may not incline towards that state, but just as we do not want Turkish Cypriots or ethnic Turks in Thracea disturbed, they would not want the Kurds in Northern Iraq to be disturbed. Turkish military intervention in Northern Iraq will mean alienating the Kurds of Turkey and throwing them back into PKK's arms. It is to give a kiss of life to moribund PKK. If you want to give that, do argue for military intervention.
Let's take the Kurds in Northern Iraq. These people have been swindled by the US at least on three occasions, first in 1918 when Wilsonian principles were formulated they were encouraged to secede and then abandoned. Second when Iran and Iraq signed the Algeria Protocol in 1975, Kissinger, who previously had been their arms supplier (mediated by the former Shah of Iran), left the Kurds at the mercy of Saddam. Third, during the uprising in the aftermath of the Gulf war, Senior Bush said "This is Iraq's domestic issue" and left them alone with Saddam's tanks. Doubtlessly if they would present a problem for Bush Jr.s future puppet government in Iraq, he will betray them even for a fourth time. Yet there is not much they can do, the closest country Turkey will be hostile to them, it will send troops to prevent their federal state. If Turkey had behaved like an "elder brother", the Kurds would be willing to be "tamed".
Thus, in order to push these Kurds further into Bush's arms and to already make them more of an enemy, do argue for military intervention in Northern Iraq.
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A note to those who say "but what can we do in this situation, what if our Kurds...": The Iraqi Kurdish question is not a matter of foreign affairs, it is a matter of domestic affairs. You are scared of the establishment of a Kurdish state in Northern Iraq, because you are not sure about the fidelity of your own Kurds. If you were, you would very well remain indifferent to even ten more Kurdish states, let alone one. You are not sure, because you are aware that you have failed to satisfy them either economically or democratically. Come now, provide jobs, food and democracy for them. Provide these so that the present threshold between Iraq and Turkey can become deeper, deeper than Kurds in Turkey would be willing to jump over. This is the only guarantee that Turkey can secure.
Is the alarming establishment of a Kurdish federal state necessary for Turkey to inaugurate reforms? I see, you couldn't have allowed democracy when PKK was spilling so much blood, you couldn't have granted them cultural rights to allow them to enjoy freedom to express their Kurdish identity to be come "voluntary citizens" of this country.
But PKK has not been around for years, and you still haven't done these, besides taking the children of Hakkari to amusement parks in Istanbul, and raising the southeast city of Vans football team Vanspor to the premiere league. You have parroted nothing but "If we grant them cultural rights, they will ask for independence" paranoia. Yasar Kemal has given the best response to this but no one seemed keen on understanding: "If you do not give cultural rights, will they not ask for independence?"
And now you have gone beyond our own Kurds and are attempting at protecting the country against Kurds of other countries. God bless you. What a strong country we have; it has managed to remain united even under 1930s nationalists like you. (BO/NM/BE))
* Baskın Oran's article was published in the weekly newspaper Agos on March 7th, 2003.
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